ARTICLE: Foreword: We Have Arrived, We Have Not Arrived

 

Eric K. Yamamoto *

 

* Professor of Law, William S. Richardson School of Law, University of Hawaii. I presented an earlier version of this essay at the Second Annual Asian American Law Professors Conference, sponsored by John Marshall Law School, in September, 1995.

 

SUMMARY:

  ...  In the following two articles, Professors Chew and Yen explain empirical studies revealing previously unexplored patterns in the hiring and retention of Asian American law faculty. ...  My goal is to frame salient questions about Asian American law professor hiring and retention raised by the data collected, organized and insightfully presented by Professors Chew and Yen. ...  Asian Americans comprise approximately three percent of the population and three-and-a-half percent of law school student bodies. Yet, a 1990 study by the Law School Admissions Service found that Asian Americans comprise only nine-tenths of one percent (0.9 %) of law faculties. ...  Asian American law professor applicants were the one exception. ...  At still another school, a previously almost all white and male faculty hires several women and people of color, including an Asian American. ...  This depiction is then lifted up as proof that minorities do not need affirmative action, that people of color can find a place in society if they stop complaining and really try - much to the frustration and anger of many Asian Americans, African Americans, Native Americans and Latinos. ...  Are these conflicting social images of Asian Americans replicated within the legal academy? If so, to what extent? And with what effect upon Asian Americans and other professors of color? Consider the response of one Asian American law professor to Professor Chew's survey: ...  

 

TEXT:

Introduction

In the following two articles, Professors Chew and Yen explain empirical studies revealing previously unexplored patterns in the hiring and retention of Asian American law faculty. Their findings announce both the arrival and struggle of Asian Americans as law professors. I cannot in this brief introduction do justice to the complexity of this subject, and I will at times generalize broadly. I also acknowledge a likely divergence of views. My goal is to frame salient questions about Asian American law professor hiring and retention raised by the data collected, organized and insightfully presented by Professors Chew and Yen.

The mere existence of these studies in some measure proclaims the arrival of Asian Americans in the legal teaching profession. A population of Asian American legal scholars large enough to form the basis of meaningful studies signals our growing impact on law teaching and scholarship. Professor Chew learned that Asian American law professors possess extremely high qualifications in terms of academic credentials such as participation on law review, judicial clerkships, and interdisciplinary graduate degrees. Yet, she also discovered the small overall numbers of Asian American faculty and the channeling of many of those faculty into a narrow range of specialties. Professor Yen found that Asian American candidates for faculty positions were hired at a lower rate than African American or Latino candidates. Taken together, their studies paint a poignant picture: As members of the legal academy, "we have arrived, we have not arrived."

 


ARTICLE: Asian Americans in the Legal Academy: An Empirical and Narrative Profile

 

Pat K. Chew *

 

* Professor of Law, University of Pittsburgh School of Law; J.D., M.Ed. University of Texas, A.B. Stanford University. This article would not have been possible without the expert and patient support of Robert E. Kelley. Jennifer Su Kim's research assistance and data analysis were exemplary and went well beyond the call of duty. I am grateful to Peter Shane and the University of Pittsburgh Dean's Scholarship Fund for their professional and financial support, Barbara Reskin for her encouragement, and Melissa Davis for her research assistance. The Association of American Law Schools for providing me with a list of all those faculty who identified themselves as Asian or Pacific Islander background as part of the information compiled for the AALS Directory of Law Teachers. It is an example of the long-standing support that Carl Monk, Jane LaBarbera, and the AALS staff in general offer to further the understanding of minority and less traditional law teaching colleagues. Finally, this article is dedicated to the Asian American law professors who shared their thoughts and feelings and offered their encouragement so generously. I am inspired by their personal and professional achievements.

 

SUMMARY:

  ...  Although scholars have researched law faculty in general, and some underrepresented groups in particular, Asian American law faculty as a group have been overlooked until now. ...  While scholars have studied law school faculty in various ways, none have dealt specifically with Asian American law faculty. ...  About 25% of all Asian American law faculty are foreign educated and presumably have grown up in a foreign country. ...  This decline in the representation of foreign educated Asian American law faculty likely will be exacerbated since, as a group, these faculty are older, more senior, and approaching retirement. ...  This decline in the representation of foreign educated Asian American law faculty raises important issues. ...  Like other faculty groups, a significant percentage of Asian American law faculty (24%) attended either Harvard Law School or Yale Law School. ...  For example, Asian American female faculty were more likely than Asian American male faculty to have been law review members. ...  In fact, Asian American faculty appeared to have more impressive credentials in a number of categories than law faculty in general: higher percentages of law review editors, judicial clerks, and interdisciplinary graduate degrees. ...  For example, Asian American female faculty were more likely to have been on law review and more likely to have assumed an editorial role than Asian American male faculty. ...  

 

TEXT:

Although scholars have researched law faculty in general, and some underrepresented groups in particular, Asian American law faculty as a group have been overlooked until now. In this Article, the author argues that the increasing numbers of Asian Americans in legal academia make it both more important and more feasible to study the background characteristics of Asian American law faculty. She explores the demographic, educational, and employment patterns of Asian American law faculty, and she includes reflective comments of other Asian American law faculty to give voice to the faculty represented among the data. Her research reveals that Asian American law faculty tend to be as "qualified" or even "overqualified" when compared to other faculty, yet underrepresented in comparison to the relatively high number of Asian American law students who form the available labor pool. She speculates that discrimination may account for this underrepresentation, and for the channeling of Asian American law faculty into a limited number of subject areas, as well as the apparent gender bias which disfavors Asian American women in law faculty hiring and promotion.

 

Introduction

At a recent gathering of Asian American law professors we asked, "Who are we? How do others perceive us? What was our life as an Asian American law student and now as a law professor like?" These inquiries prompted thoughts and reflections in all of us. Our voices, however, "spoke" differently. Some were intentionally quiet, there to listen. Others were formulating their thoughts carefully, anticipating an opportunity to speak. Still others jumped in at once, creating a conversational traffic jam.

While scholars have studied law school faculty in various ways, none have dealt specifically with Asian American law faculty. Typically, the professorate has been researched more generally. Examples are Donna Fossum's extensive study of the law teaching profession published in 1980, and more recently, Robert Borthwick and Jordan Schau's 1991 survey of law professors based on information found in the Association of American Law Schools (AALS) Directory of Law Teachers. In the last decade, scholarship also has emerged on women and minority law faculty. This research reveals that not all law faculty have the same educational or career experiences. Both personal stories and empirical evidence suggest, for instance, that women and minority faculty have endured subtle and overt disparate treatment in hiring and promotion, resulting in arduous professional challenges.

Why there is an absence of research on Asian American law faculty in particular is unclear. Various explanations for the paucity of research are possible. Specific information on Asian Americans is not always readily accessible. In addition, the small number of Asian Americans in a larger study of minority faculty makes meaningful analysis of Asian Americans difficult. Finally, there may be a certain indifference or lack of urgency about studying Asian Americans because of a societal perception that they are unlikely to face problems unique from the general population. In that sense, they are deemed less worthy of study. Furthermore, the group most likely to question and investigate that societal perception, Asian American law scholars themselves, have been small in number.

But presently, the increasing number of Asian Americans in the legal academy make it both more feasible and increasingly important to study Asian American faculty as a distinct group. Scholarship also is emerging which challenges the assumption that Asian Americans are not distinguishable from the population in general. Rather, it posits that Asian Americans, including Asian American law faculty, have particular experiences and valuable perspectives distinct from both the population in general and from other minority individuals.

This Article, following this emerging view, studies the demographic characteristics, educational background, post-law-school experiences, and teaching careers of Asian American law professors. While exploring the group as a whole, it also considers in particular the profiles of Asian American women faculty, foreign educated Asian American faculty, and the most recent Asian Americans to enter law school teaching. In addition, this Article includes reflective comments of Asian American law professors on a range of timely and important topics. Their thoughts and emotions are juxtaposed with the more empirical and quantitative descriptions of the group. Their voices are a diverse mixture of thoughtful insights, some of which articulate angry, frustrated, or confused feelings. They are not necessarily representative, but they are illustrative of the feelings of some Asian American law professors. Thus, this work begins the process of understanding the unique and rich identity of this group.

 


ARTICLE: A Statistical Analysis of Asian Americans and the Affirmative Action Hiring of Law School Faculty

 

Alfred C. Yen *

 

* Associate Professor of Law, Boston College Law School. Special thanks are owed to Rick White, Research Associate/Data Analyst at the Association of American Law Schools, who provided the data and performed the necessary statistical calculations. Thanks are also owed to the Association of American Law Schools, Bob Chang, Marshall Chin, Sumi Cho, Jerry Kang, Dean Hashimoto, Avi Soifer, Frank Wu, Karin Yen, my research assistant Ellen Majdloch, and the staff of the Asian Law Journal.

 

SUMMARY:

  ...  Law schools have long implemented affirmative action faculty hiring practices to remedy past discrimination, increase diversity, and provide role models for students of color. ...  Each of these reasons supports the affirmative action hiring of Asian American law professors. ...  One would therefore think that law schools would include Asian Americans in their affirmative action hiring efforts. ...  A number of Asian American law professors doubt whether law schools are truly committed to the affirmative action hiring of Asian Americans. ...  This Article provides information which helps answer the question of how law schools perceive and treat Asian Americans by studying the hiring of new law school faculty from 1990-91 to 1992-93, a period during which law schools openly practiced affirmative action hiring. ...  Affirmative action is not necessary to help people of color because Asian Americans do well without significant affirmative action benefits.  They then argue that affirmative action which excludes Asian Americans unfairly benefits other people of color over qualified Asian Americans. ...  The argument exploits the non-white version of Asian American identity to "prove" that people of color can succeed without affirmative action. ...  Thus, affirmative action helps Asian Americans even if they do not benefit as much as other people of color. ...  

 

TEXT:   

Law schools have long implemented affirmative action faculty hiring practices to remedy past discrimination, increase diversity, and provide role models for students of color. However, there is a growing sense among the relatively few Asian American law faculty that Asian Americans are not included in affirmative action hiring efforts. The author compares the hiring rates of Asian American, African American, Latino, and white law faculty candidates to test the hypothesis that Asian Americans are not included in affirmative action hiring programs. The author concludes that the pattern of law faculty hiring is consistent with affirmative action policies which exclude Asian Americans.

 

Introduction

A recurring theme in legal scholarship about Asian Americans is the ambiguous nature of Asian American racial identity. Asian Americans are clearly persons of color, but sometimes they are treated as white. Asian Americans are considered free from racial discrimination and more economically successful than whites when the opposite is true. Asian Americans receive both admiration and vilification because of stereotypes about their diligence, family values, and thrift.

As an Asian American law professor, I have often been curious about how the ambiguities of Asian American racial identity play out in the legal academy, especially when it comes to the hiring of new faculty. Law schools happily list Asian Americans among faculty of color, but do they really perceive Asian Americans as people of color?

For years, law schools have engaged in purposeful affirmative action hiring to increase the number of people of color on their faculties. The stated reasons for this include remedial action for underrepresentation, remedial action for discrimination against persons of color diversity,and the provision of role models to students of color. Each of these reasons supports the affirmative action hiring of Asian American law professors. Asian Americans have been the victims of social discrimination by others, including universities. Asian Americans bring new and important scholarly interests to the academy, especially their interest in Asian American issues. Finally, Asian American law professors act as role models for a rapidly increasing Asian American student body. One would therefore think that law schools would include Asian Americans in their affirmative action hiring efforts. Yet, in 1990, the year immediately before the period under study, Asian Americans comprised 2.9% of the American population in 1990, but only 1.4% of all law faculty.

A number of Asian American law professors doubt whether law schools are truly committed to the affirmative action hiring of Asian Americans. Anecdotally, they report that their schools apply affirmative action to African American and Latino candidates, but treat Asian Americans as if they were white. The schools then list Asian Americans as people of color when reporting hiring statistics. Of course, these reports may represent nothing more than a few isolated instances, and law schools would probably deny consciously or unconsciously excluding Asian Americans from affirmative action hiring. Nevertheless, the omission of Asian Americans from affirmative action in other university contexts makes the suspicions of Asian American law professors quite plausible.

This Article provides information which helps answer the question of how law schools perceive and treat Asian Americans by studying the hiring of new law school faculty from 1990-91 to 1992-93, a period during which law schools openly practiced affirmative action hiring. In particular, the Article compares the success rates of whites, Asian Americans, African Americans and Latinos to test the hypothesis that American law schools have excluded Asian Americans from affirmative action hiring efforts. The logic behind this comparison is simple. If law schools practiced affirmative action, one would expect the favored groups to experience higher success rates than omitted groups.

Until recently, it would have been extremely difficult to conduct this type of study because no one kept information about unsuccessful applicants for law faculty positions. Accordingly, studies about law professor hiring have been forced to analyze only those who successfully found positions. While this sort of study certainly provides insight about law school hiring practices, it does not allow a direct measurement of how race is related to the likelihood of finding a law faculty position. However, the Association of American Law Schools now keeps information on large numbers of applicants for law professor positions. This information includes racial and ethnic identification, so it is now possible to test the relationship between race and success. As this Article shall show, the overall pattern of law school faculty hiring is consistent with an affirmative action policy which excludes Asian Americans.

 


ARTICLE: Reconstruction and Racial Nativism: Chinese Immigrants and the Debates on the Thirteenth, Fourteenth, and Fifteenth Amendments and Civil Rights Laws

 

John Hayakawa Torok *

 

* Law clerk to the Honorable Ronald L. Ellis, United States Magistrate Judge, S.D.N.Y. B.A. 1987, University of California, Santa Cruz; J.D. 1991, City University of New York School of Law; LL.M. 1995, New York University School of Law. The research for this Article was supported by a 1992-1993 Rockefeller Humanities Fellowship from the Center for Studies of Ethnicity and Race in America, University of Colorado at Boulder. Special thanks to William Nelson and members of the New York University Legal History Colloquium, Peggy Davis, Christian Fritz, Lane Hirabayashi, F. Michael Higginbotham, Lisa Ikemoto, Charles McClain, Philip Tajitsu Nash, John Wunder, and to all my editors at the Asian Law Journal for critiques. An earlier draft of this Article appeared in Asian Americans and Congress (Hyung-chan Kim ed., 1996).

 

SUMMARY:

  ...  The author shows that the ubiquitous perception of Asian Americans as intrinsically foreign and unassimilable, and their perceived threat to American institutions and society informed the Congressional debates on the Reconstruction amendments and the subsequent Supreme Court decisions. ...  For this reason, Asian Americans are often not recognized as "American." Being positioned as "foreign" is something that Asian Americans, even to the fifth generation in this country, constantly face. ...  "Chinese" is often used as shorthand to represent heterogenous Asian groups. ...  Part I of this Article provides background on (a) the historiography of Reconstruction scholarship and its relationship to racial history, (b) a historiography of the definition of racial nativism particularly with respect to Asian Americans, and (c) the state-level legal-historical background for the later federal legislative exclusion of Chinese immigrants. ... B. Asian Americans and Racial Nativism ... C. Discriminatory State Regulation of Asian Immigrants ...  Historian Sucheng Chan states that "several hundred Chinese and Japanese and dozens of Asian Indians - particularly on the Atlantic Coast - obtained citizenship." ...  It [was] a watershed in U.S. immigration history and was to have far reaching effects on the subsequent development of Asian American communities." ...  Not being accompanied by families, except in rare instances, their expenses were small; and they were content with the simplest fare, such as would not suffice for our laborers and artisans. ...  

 

TEXT:

The Reconstruction amendments and civil rights law historically have been viewed in the context of African American emancipation, naturalization, and enfranchisement. However, Chinese immigrants' presence and the racial nativism they engendered in the white polity influenced the debates surrounding that legislation and the attendant Supreme Court decisions. The author shows that the ubiquitous perception of Asian Americans as intrinsically foreign and unassimilable, and their perceived threat to American institutions and society informed the Congressional debates on the Reconstruction amendments and the subsequent Supreme Court decisions. His exploration of the anti-Chinese rhetoric during the debates reveals that the deliberate language of the Reconstruction amendments and civil rights law were directly influenced by these fears. He concludes by examining the current resurgence of racial nativism in the context of these historical events.

The Chinese do not desire to become citizens of this country, and have no knowledge or appreciation of our institutions. Very few of them learn to speak our language .... To admit these vast numbers of aliens to citizenship and the ballot would practically destroy republican institutions on the Pacific coast, for the Chinese have no comprehension of any form of government but despotism, and have not the words in their own language to describe intelligibly the principles of our representative system.

 

Introduction

This statement from the 1877 Report of the Joint Special Committee to Investigate Chinese Immigration reflected widespread perceptions of Chinese immigrants, who were the principal group of Asian immigrants present in the United States during the late nineteenth century. During the congressional debates on the Reconstruction amendments, members of Congress articulated concerns and fears about the threat posed by Chinese immigration to American institutions and society. Their statements in these debates prefigured the arguments used to justify exclusion in subsequent legislative enactments and the perceptions and treatment of other Asian immigrant groups. This Article shows that members of Congress during the Reconstruction debates perceived the threat posed by Chinese immigrant suffrage to "republican institutions" as based on cultural and "racial" differences.

The Article will also explore the limited protection that these constitutional and legal developments, which preceded the Chinese exclusion acts by several years, extended to Asian immigrants in the broader context of judicial decisions concerning citizenship and the citizenship status of Blacks. Historically, the locus of racially discriminatory law has been the states. For example, the law of slavery was principally a matter of colonial and then state law. The Reconstruction amendments created the federal power to police discriminatory state laws. However, later judicial interpretations limited the reach of that federal power, making possible the new regime of state discrimination known as "Jim Crow" laws. Thus federalism and arguments about the scope of federal power are central to the questions of equal citizenship and minority rights.

Three important themes emerge from the debates on the constitutional amendments and civil rights laws. First, while the discussion on Asian American history at the federal level often starts with Chinese exclusion in 1882, the presence of Chinese immigrants affected earlier federal legislation. The deliberate and careful choice of language in the Reconstruction amendments and laws, regarding words such as "citizens," "aliens," or "inhabitants," was made with these immigrants in mind and is particularly significant given the continuing debate on immigration. Second, contradictory views were held of Chinese immigrants. On the one hand, they were viewed as racially inferior and in need of protection. On the other hand, there was a deep fear of granting them political power as they were seen as threatening white Christian hegemony. Third, American citizenship was redefined to include persons other than white men. The congressional debates on citizenship for Blacks included discussions of Chinese immigrants because they were in the United States, and their very presence made necessary a determination of their possible inclusion as citizens. I focus on the suffrage and naturalization discussions because the relationship between these issues and the Chinese immigrants' presence were most troubling to white supremacist Congress members.

Congress members' statements during Reconstruction represent some early articulations of what legal scholar Neil Gotanda calls the "racial association of Other non-Whites with foreignness." For this reason, Asian Americans are often not recognized as "American." Being positioned as "foreign" is something that Asian Americans, even to the fifth generation in this country, constantly face. As Gotanda has shown, the "separability of the juridical categories of "citizen' and "alien' [related to] the parallel [racialized] social distinction between "American' and "foreign,' " creating an ideological presumption of "foreignness" based on "Other non-White" racial status that influenced judicial outcomes in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries. Gotanda illustrates his thesis by discussing the 1854 People v. Hall and the 1898 United States v. Wong Kim Ark decisions. In this Article, I demonstrate that this system of categorization (American/foreign) informed (1) Reconstruction era congressional discussions about legislative initiatives and proposed constitutional amendments, and (2) the post-Reconstruction Supreme Court decisions upholding the Chinese exclusion laws. I start from the premise that "race" is socially constructed. "Race" can be conceptualized as "an unstable and "decentered' complex of social meanings constantly being ... formed and transformed ... through political contestation over racial meanings." "Race" includes systems of racial categorization. Changes in the meanings attached to racial categories can occur in constitutional, judicial, legislative, academic, and popular discourse. Law can be seen as ideological, "both constitutive of, and structured by, society" and existing "as part of the complex of implicit and explicit understandings within which we live and act." If law constitutes "race" by providing authoritative understandings and definitions of "race," then the examination of historical statements from legislative and judicial discourse about Asian immigrants itself allows for a better understanding of historical and contemporary "race." The premises that (1) "race" is socially constructed and transformed through political contestation and (2) the law's ideological dimension has continuing significance for "race" account for the extensive quotations about Chinese immigrants from the debates. Chinese immigrants were "race-ed" (defined as a racial category and their political status as a "race" demarcated) in part through the congressional discussions of Chinese immigrants during Reconstruction. This racialization of Chinese immigrants in turn affected the legal outcomes in the Supreme Court decisions which upheld the Chinese Exclusion Laws.

In this Article, "Asian" is used to denote the racial category used in Anglo-American and European societies to describe persons whose ancestors lived in "Asia." The legally and discursively constructed boundary of the geographical and/or racial category "Asia" and "Asians" has varied over time in American immigration and naturalization law and public discourse. "Chinese" is often used as shorthand to represent heterogenous Asian groups. Such use is inappropriate given the diversity of the immigrant stream from Asia since the late nineteenth century. I use the term here because Chinese immigrants are the relevant group in the historical period that is the focus of this Article. I use the term Chinese "immigrant" deliberately. Much of the post-Reconstruction, anti-Chinese rhetoric and agitation were premised upon a claim that Chinese were not in fact immigrants, but mere "sojourners," unlike European migrants to the United States. This alleged difference in these groups' relative interest in becoming "American" was one basis for the systematic denial of rights and opportunities to, and the enactment of discriminatory laws directed at, Chinese immigrants.

Part I of this Article provides background on (a) the historiography of Reconstruction scholarship and its relationship to racial history, (b) a historiography of the definition of racial nativism particularly with respect to Asian Americans, and (c) the state-level legal-historical background for the later federal legislative exclusion of Chinese immigrants. Part II summarizes the congressional debates on the Reconstruction constitutional amendments and laws, focusing on the discussion of Chinese immigrants then to show that racial nativist views were prevalent. Part III examines the Supreme Court decisions which upheld the Chinese Exclusion Laws to show that racial nativist rationales similar to those articulated in the earlier congressional debates were a factor in these decisions as well. I conclude with a brief discussion on the relationship of the contemporary resurgence of racial nativism to these historical phenomena.

 


ESSAY: Passion and the Asian American Legal Scholar

 

Robert S. Chang *

 

* Associate Professor, California Western School of Law. Copyright 1996 Robert S. Chang. I'd like to thank Ken Payson and the Asian Law Journal for honoring me with their invitation to speak at their annual banquet. This is a lightly footnoted version of my address at the Asian Law Journal Banquet, (Apr. 19, 1996).

 

SUMMARY:

  ...  It is a story about recovery and a sense that to grow up Asian American in the United States is to grow up as a recovering oriental, a term that contains within it not only the question, "What are we recovering from?", but also, "What are we trying to recover?" ...  Asian America, then, "is imagined because [its] members . . . will never know most of their fellow-members, meet them, or even hear of them, yet in the minds of each lives the image of their communion"; and Asian America "is imagined as a community[] because ... [it is] conceived as a deep, horizontal comradeship." ...  The contested nature of this terrain can be seen in the way conservatives have recently embraced the cause of Asian Americans in their fight to end affirmative action. ... In other contexts, we are foreigners, and these newfound champions of things Asian American in the affirmative action context that fight to keep us out in the immigration context. ...  

 

 


COMMENT: Broken Promises: The Status of Expropriated Property in the People's Republic of China

 

Elaine Sit *

 

* J.D., Chicago-Kent College of Law; M.A., B.A., University of Illinois, Champaign-Urbana. I am indebted to Professors A. Dan Tarlock, Anita Bernstein, and Mary Rose Strubbe of Chicago-Kent College of Law for their kind and valuable guidance and to Kathy Jen of the Asian Law Journal, for her thoughtful editorial contributions to earlier drafts. Responsibility for any errors or opinions, however, remains my own. This article is dedicated to my father and to the memories of my mother and my grandparents whose lives in China and in America embody the triumph of hope and endurance over adversity.

 

SUMMARY:

  ...  There were several attempts at land reform during the dynastic periods preceding the Communist revolution, but probably none was as traumatic to the Chinese people as that which took place from World War II through the early 1950s. ...  Part I consists of an overview of the systems of land ownership and management that have existed in China, including an account of pre- and post-revolutionary approaches to land reform. ... A. Attempts at Land Reform in Pre-RevolutionaryChina ...  Even a thumbnail sketch of modern land reform in China shows that whatever the source of political and social change, whether imperial or communist in origin, systems of private land ownership and attempts at land reform have yielded mixed results and inequities in land distribution. ...  China's history of land reform is rife with paradox. ...  Overview of Communist Land Reform ...  Under the Communist regime land reform was of the highest priority. ...  Second, land reform was a way to gain and maintain the loyalty of the vast peasant population. ...  By 1952, land reform in China was complete. ...  Effects of Communist Land Reform ...  Furthermore, land reform was linked to the Korean war effort by the Communist Party leadership. ...  

 

TEXT:

The property rights of many Chinese Americans and Chinese nationals residing in the United States have been affected by the People's Republic of China's (China or P.R.C.) government action during this century. In addition to the widespread destruction and seizure of property by the Red Guard during the Communist Revolution, China seized property of United States nationals in response to the United States' blocking of Chinese assets during the Korean War. The author argues that the claims programs instituted by both the United States and China to redress these takings largely have failed to redress the losses suffered by overseas Chinese and United States citizens of Chinese descent. In this Comment, she explores the reasons for these failures.

 

Prologue

My mother loved to tell tales about the village where my father's family lived and about their home in the country. Rice fields surrounded the house, which my mother said was no ordinary house, but an estate, a collection of buildings which several generations of the extended family occupied in traditional Chinese fashion. There was also property in Canton City, apartment buildings, and a hotel, bought with money earned by my grandfather in America. When I asked what happened to all these holdings, and how we came to live in a modest Chicago-style bungalow, my mother said simply, "Everything was taken by the Communists. Your grandmother was thrown out of her own home. It's all gone now, gone forever." There were no photos or mementos of the properties that my mother described with so much pride, and in my mind's eye they became mere phantoms of another world and time.

Years later, while watching television one night, I came across a re-run of the film Dr. Zhivago. Yuri Zhivago had been conscripted to serve in the army against his will and had escaped. On foot he stumbled through the misery of a Russian blizzard, struggling to walk across the steppes to get back to the comfort of his family's home in Moscow. But instead of relief at coming home, he found a score of rowdy peasants arguing amongst themselves before a roaring fire in the shoulder-high fireplace of his once grand foyer. Panic and disappointment filled his face. "Who are you? Where is my family? What are you doing in my house?' Zhivago asked. "Comrade,' one of the peasants disdainfully replied, "this isn't your house anymore, it belongs to the people now.' And finally I understood the power of my mother's words.

 

Introduction

In December 1950, President Truman blocked all assets of the People's Republic of China in the United States when Chinese troops intervened in Korea. In response, the P.R.C. expropriated all property in China belonging to United States nationals and froze all United States deposits in the territory under its control on December 28, 1950. Almost thirty years later, representatives of the United States and China signed the Claims Settlement Agreement of 1979, thus resolving a roadblock that had significantly hindered diplomatic and economic relations between the two nations. By 1981, administration of the Agreement was complete and since that time, Sino-American relations have moved forward to enjoy a period of unexpected cooperation.

The half-century of communist domination in China now overshadows the previous millennia of its former imperial traditions, but in the context of the nation's historical memory, the dramatic changes over the last 50 years may someday be a mere footnote in the story of the Chinese people. There are vast differences between the China of today and the Middle Kingdom of the past. There are also two common threads that bind together any nation regardless of who or what system governs: the land and the people.

Nearly 2000 years ago, China established a system of private landholding. This feudal system of organized land holdings culminated in as many as 120 million individual family farms, many of which were merely scattered strips of land that served as China's agricultural backbone. There were several attempts at land reform during the dynastic periods preceding the Communist revolution, but probably none was as traumatic to the Chinese people as that which took place from World War II through the early 1950s. Against a backdrop of China's long-standing tradition of private and alienable land, the reforms initiated by the People's Liberation Army are commonly regarded as the most extensive expropriation of land and property in recorded history.

Whether the abuses that occurred during the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution (GPCR) (1966-1976) were more traumatic for the Chinese than the revolution following World War II is arguable, although the widespread seizures and destruction of personal property at the hands of the Red Guard did not attract the same degree of worldwide attention. The Bamboo Curtain that stood between China and the West from the liberation period of the 1950s until the normalization of Sino-American relations in the 1970s kept China's internal struggles hidden from the world's view. Nonetheless, in1982 China quietly initiated a program of reparations to individual victims of the Red Guard, including overseas Chinese. In this program, China brought together Chinese within its borders who suffered losses, as well as Chinese from outside its borders. This latter group is referred to as overseas Chinese who claim China as their place of birth.

The status of overseas Chinese, many of whom are United States citizens, is significant because they number in the millions, and unlike other groups who were forced to leave their countries due to "ethnic" or "religious" cleansing or persecution, many left China voluntarily to escape the corruption and economic stagnation of the last dynasty. The majority of Chinese immigrating to America from the Gold Rush era to World War II trace their ancestral roots to the villages of the southern provinces of China. In some villages, up to eighty percent of the men were overseas and their villages relied on them for income.

Although Chinese emigration and overseas travel was banned by imperial edict for centuries, the tidal wave of emigration from China that began in the mid-nineteenth century lasted for almost 100 years. These industrious emigrants became the backbone of a twentieth century phenomenon that was directly impacted by the post World War II Chinese communist revolution, that being a new class of land and property owners which owed its existence to the power of the dollar.

Worker-sojourners from China helped build railroads, roads, and highways throughout the hills and mountainsides of America's emerging west. They dug irrigation channels that transformed arid landscapes into agricultural Edens and toiled in the cotton fields of the South, hoping to eventually improve their status (and by extension the lifestyles of their families in China) through the sacrament of labor and property acquisition. Those who succeeded either returned to China with the means to purchase the land their families farmed, or stayed in the United States, working, saving, and planning for their future return to their motherland.

Some worker-sojourners became hybrids by maintaining permanent connections to both countries, and by doing so, achieved unofficial dual-national status. The descendants of those worker-sojourners therefore occupy a unique position in the reparations program now in effect in China. Through inheritance and other relations based on consanguinity, overseas Chinese are compatriots who have legislatively mandated rights in China, yet they are not citizens of China. In this way, the land reforms initiated by the Chinese Communist Party and the excesses of the GPCR have a direct effect on many overseas Chinese and United States citizens of Chinese descent.

This Comment argues that the claims programs instituted by both the United States and China - programs which purported to redress the losses suffered by overseas Chinese and United States citizens of Chinese descent from China's expropriation of their property - have been largely unsuccessful. The Comment focuses on the losses suffered by United States citizens of Chinese descent and their claims, which fall within the scope of both programs, rather than on the claims of P.R.C. citizens against the P.R.C. government, due to the difficulties of obtaining reliable information from Chinese consulates and researching Chinese case law in the United States.

Part I consists of an overview of the systems of land ownership and management that have existed in China, including an account of pre- and post-revolutionary approaches to land reform. The various attempts to manage the private ownership of land throughout thousands of years of dynastic change are fundamental to an understanding of the reforms imposed by the communist government in the 1950s because they are the foundation which not only permitted the unprecedented expropriation of land and private property executed by the communist government, but made it inevitable. Part I also describes the land reform executed by China and its effects on the Chinese people, many of whom include the families of overseas Chinese and United States citizens of Chinese descent.

Part II examines the "claims/assets" problem that resulted from the United States' blocking of Chinese assets held in American banks following the intervention of Chinese troops in Korea, and China's taking of property belonging to United States nationals in response to the blocking of those assets. A discussion of the resolution of the claims/assets problem under the terms of the People's Republic of China Claims Agreement of 1979 and its administration by the United States Foreign Claims Settlement Commission is included to provide a point of reference for the differences between the solutions devised by the United States and China to the same problem: how to devise a system of just and equitable compensation for the taking of private property by a foreign government. Part II also analyzes the reported claims that were resolved under the 1979 Claims Agreement and points out how the majority of eligible United States citizens of Chinese descent were left out of the program. The failure to provide redress for many United States claimants of Chinese descent can be attributed to three fundamental shortcomings: (1) inadequate notice to potential claimants of the program's existence; (2) standards of proof of ownership that were too high for most claimants to meet; and (3) difficulties in appraising the fair market values of expropriated property.

Part III presents policy reforms instituted under Deng Xiaoping including developments in property rights law, such as provisions in the 1982 Constitution of China pertaining to ownership and inheritability rights to private property and various regulations promulgated during the 1980s. The policy reforms under Deng Xiaoping provide a necessary legal basis for the current reparations program, for absent these legal reforms, in particular the recognition of private property rights, the government's redress program might not exist.

Finally, in Part IV, the criteria and methods for filing claims under the ongoing 1982 reparations program are set out along with the reasons for the program's failure to provide the meaningful redress that it purports to offer to qualified claimants.

 


COMMENT: Battered Asian American Women: Community Responses from the Battered Women's Movement and the Asian American Community

 

Karin Wang *

 

* Associate at Morrison & Foerster LLP, San Francisco; B.A. 1992 University of Illinois, Urbana-Champaign; J.D. 1995 Boalt Hall School of Law, University of California, Berkeley. Thank you to Nancy Lemon and Deeana Jang for their comments and support in writing this paper. Special thanks to Pie-Yi, Chun and Lynna Wang for their unfailing love and support.

 

SUMMARY:

  ...  The anti-domestic violence movement has made significant progress in the past twenty years. ...  Although battered women experience universally similar abuse, the needs and concerns of Asian American domestic violence victims require special attention. Battered Asian American women are situated differently than other battered women in the United States, especially white women. ...  In Part I, I examine domestic violence generally and critique the predominantly "white-centered" domestic violence movement for failing to address adequately the needs of non-white women - namely, Asian American women. ...  Although a major goal of the anti-domestic violence movement is to encourage battered women to step forward and seek help, Asian American women who want assistance may not be able to obtain external help due to language barriers. ... B. The Asian American Community's Failure to Address Domestic Violence Against AsianAmericanWomen ...  Differently situated from battered white women and on unequal footing with Asian American men, battered Asian American women continue to fall through the cracks despite gains in both battered women's rights and Asian American civil rights. ...  In the anti-domestic violence movement, white women are privileged at the expense of non-white women; in the Asian American community, men's voices are heard over women's. ...  

 

TEXT:

The anti-domestic violence movement has made significant progress in the past twenty years. However, these gains largely have not been realized by Asian American women. The author argues that for Asian American women, domestic violence is complicated by factors such as language barriers, immigrant status, cultural differences, and racial discrimination - issues which have not been addressed by the anti-domestic violence movement. Moreover, the Asian American community, which does comprehend these complicating factors, has failed to make domestic violence a priority issue. Thus, the unique needs of battered Asian American women are often left unanswered. The author critiques both the "white-centered" domestic violence movement for failing to address race adequately, and the male-centered Asian American civil rights perspective for failing to address women's issues adequately. She calls for both groups to adopt a broader vision that embraces both race and gender.

 

Introduction

He hit me, held a knife to my throat, a gun to my head, and choked me with a golf club. My arms, legs, and body were often covered with bruises. He would kiss them, cry and say, "Baby, I didn't mean to hit you. I don't know why ... I lost my temper."

 He would drag me by my hair down the stairs, smash my head into the wall, throw me down on the floor then kick and hit me all over.... He would spit on me when I got dressed ..

These brutal experiences are familiar to many battered women, but these two stories belong to battered Asian American women. Their stories are unique, not because Asian American women necessarily experience domestic violence differently from non-Asian American women, but because the stories of battered Asian American women are still relatively unheard and unknown. While the movement against domestic violence has made tremendous gains in the past twenty years, not all battered women have benefited equally. Women of color have gained less from the progress of the anti-domestic violence movement, which has been primarily "white-centered." And within communities of color, including Asian American communities, domestic violence has yet to become a priority issue.

Although battered women experience universally similar abuse, the needs and concerns of Asian American domestic violence victims require special attention. Battered Asian American women are situated differently than other battered women in the United States, especially white women. Domestic violence is a complex psychological and sociological phenomenon which is further complicated in Asian American communities by other factor such as language, immigrant status, culture, and racial stereotypes. Battered Asian American women stand at the intersection of multiple identities, not only as women and domestic violence victims, but also as Asians and often as immigrants. However, American society and laws, which are constructed largely along binary lines (e.g., the "black-white" paradigm of race), have great difficulty recognizing intersectionalities and effectively ignore those - such as battered Asian American women - who exist at intersections of identity.

In this Comment, I address the social and legal disenfranchisement of battered Asian American women. In Part I, I examine domestic violence generally and critique the predominantly "white-centered" domestic violence movement for failing to address adequately the needs of non-white women - namely, Asian American women. In Part II, I define the battered Asian American woman and argue that Asian American women face unique problems as a result of immigration status, cultural norms, and harmful stereotypes. In Part III, I examine the Asian American community's male-centered perspective on civil rights issues, and its subsequent failure to address women's issues. I conclude by arguing that both the anti-domestic violence movement and the Asian American community must affirmatively address the needs of battered Asian American women. Because Asian American women are not "just women" or "just Asian Americans," both women's rights advocates and Asian civil rights advocates must move beyond their current limited visions and adopt a new paradigm which simultaneously embraces race and gender.

 


REVIEW ESSAY: From Black to White and Back Again

 

White By Law: The Legal Construction of Whiteness.

By Ian Fidencio Haney Lopez. New York: New York University Press, 1996. Pp. xiv, 296. $ 24.95. 

 

Reviewed by Frank H. Wu *

 

* Assistant Professor, Howard University Law School. B.A., Johns Hopkins; J.D., University of Michigan. I thank Eleanore Irwin, Howard Class of 1998, for her research assistance. I also thank the following individuals for their constructive criticism: Keith Aoki, Bob Chang, Gabriel Chin, Sumi Cho, Lisa Crooms, Adrienne Davis, Kevin Johnson, Mark Johnston, Shaun Martin, Karen Musalo, and Phil Tajitsu Nash.

 

SUMMARY:

  ...  This essay discusses White By Law in relation to an emerging body of Asian American legal literature. ...  But this new racial status has only a limited ambit: Asian Americans become white predominantly for the purpose of attacking affirmative action programs. ...  At the University of California, Berkeley, for example, it is taken for granted that Asian Americans and whites form the group that is disadvantaged by affirmative action, and African Americans and Latinos form the group that benefits. ...  As exemplified by that particular argument, and described in detail elsewhere, the deployment of Asian Americans to attack affirmative action relies on the disingenuous claim that there is something special about their status under such programs. ...  Asian Americans are no different than whites as long as they are treated the same, regardless of whether affirmative action is in effect for other groups. ...  The Adarand case, with its attempt to rehabilitate Korematsu by revisiting the strict scrutiny standard and providing lengthy analysis of its meaning, presents the legal version of the opposed pairing of Asian Americans and affirmative action. ...  In this manner, Asian Americans are belatedly relieved of the effects of Korematsu at the cost of sacrificing affirmative action for African Americans. ...  Some Asian Americans have attempted to become white in the affirmative action debate. ...  

 

TEXT:

Introduction

Ian Fidencio Haney Lopez has written a great book. White By Law: The Legal Construction of Race deserves the highest praise that his colleagues in the academy can give a scholarly study: sympathetic readers and reviewers may be prompted to say, "I wish I'd written that."

Haney Lopez's book is perhaps one of the finest works yet produced by the Critical Race Theory (CRT) movement. Most importantly, it opens a new set of inquiries for future research. Like the best theoretical studies, it contains great potential for practical reform efforts. And like the most persuasive progressive politics, it is based on compelling evidence.

This essay discusses White By Law in relation to an emerging body of Asian American legal literature. It consists of three parts. Part I summarizes the descriptive sections of White By Law. Those chapters concern late nineteenth and early twentieth century case law interpreting the term "free white person," which was a pre-requisite status for anyone wishing to naturalize as a United States citizen. This line of legal analysis culminated in a pair of contradictory Supreme Court decisions reinforcing the racial bar against Asian immigrants. Part II analyzes the normative sections of White By Law. Those chapters present the case for a sophisticated form of color-consciousness coupled to a renunciation of whiteness as a privileged status. Part III suggests that Asian immigrants and Asian Americans have been both black by law and white by law at different moments and for varied reasons. The analysis offered in White By Law can be extended to show that the Asian American community's experience in negotiating the color-line undermines racial privilege, even while many individual Asian Americans attempt to assimilate into an ideal of whiteness.